Sovereignist or no longer Sovereignist? This seems to be the very current dilemma that creeps into the faded-colored governance of the young leader of the Brothers of Italy, Giorgia Meloni, today's Prime Minister. Certainly, the results on the not at all reassuring "migration" issue referred to by the European Council are significant at least in two incontrovertible aspects: the one according to which one cannot choose to be a sovereignist with alternating currents only because one has moved from the opposition benches to the seats of the government, and therefore at the helm of a country which, while constituting a "gate" of access to the Union, in all its compositional entirety, would seem to remain, as in fact remains, solitary entangled in the stringent constraints of the Dublin Treaty ; and the further one, whereby the system of alliances at the community level would seem to impose, as in fact it imposes, criteria and mechanisms of ideological sameness whose conservation, considering carefully, and in any case, require a rigid "compromissory" contractual coherence which does not seems to admit defections and/or exceptions.
Either with us or without us: the teaching offered by Poland and Hungary does not seem able to lend itself to misunderstandings of any kind. Circumstance, the latter, which also explains why, contrary to what the secretary of the League Matteo Salvini would like to believe, at present there can never exist a European centre-right capable of influencing the structures and policies of the Euro-parliament .
The so-called EU Migration Pact remains a mirage with all due respect to Giorgia Meloni, who, although leader of the European conservatives, has failed to find the consensus of her conservative colleagues, i.e. of the Polish premier, Mateusz Morawiecki, and of the Hungarian one, Viktor Orbán. Let's be clear: expecting an accommodating attitude on the point of the frugal four would have been a useless and illusory exercise of naivety. But, likewise, to believe that the structural issue of migration can be resolved through a shared commitment "on the external dimension", as our Prime Minister seems to be convinced of doing, not only seems to be simply and purely illusory, but even very uncertain and misleading, due to the simple and decisive circumstance that the material management of arrivals requires the direct and never mediated control of the receiving State, which, otherwise, would have to "accept" the self-referential management of the flow on the basis of the needs contingents of the Third State qualifying in the restricted terms of "sender".
There really would not seem to be anyone who does not see the imbalance (at least this would seem to appear) between the "serving" State (in this case Italy, potentially affected by flows regulated by third parties) and the "dominant" State (i.e. the one responsible for controlling of departures). But beyond any reflection on the specific aspect of the migratory problem, on which it is legitimate to doubt that an agreement can be found that does not first pass through the shared reform of the legislation in force, the aspect to be taken into consideration for understanding the the whole matter is that of a purely political nature, to be the one and only key to understanding the imminent European alliances in view of the next and very close electoral appointment.
If it is true, as it appears to be true, that Giorgia Meloni, in her current position, finds herself having to make a radical ideological choice that could cost her a lot in terms of consensus, having to choose between remaining in her current European position as leader of the “Conservatives”, or rather experimenting with the moderate hypothesis gaining credit among the leading exponents of the EPP and therefore going to fill, or at least hoping to be able to do so, what was, mutatis mutandis, the role of Silvio Berlusconi. This last circumstance which certainly can only clash with the aspirations, legitimate or otherwise, of Matteo Salvini, who, all things considered, could aspire to position himself as a point of balance and contact between conservatives and popular.
First, because it would seem that the Brothers of Italy are waiting for the right moment to justify, in the eyes of the electorate, their emancipation with respect to partners who, if useful when they sat on the opposition benches, such as the Hungarians and Poles, are now starting to become very inconvenient by not allowing their leader to gain full accreditation in Europe.
Therefore, because the real and only turning point for Giorgia Meloni, a sovereignist but perhaps not too much, would seem to be that of positioning herself as a liberal and ideal interlocutor for a stable alliance between Von der Leyen's group and the conservatives, all "liberated" by the most extreme phalanxes .
Finally, because, all in all, the current favor in terms of consensus that seems to be registered in Europe for the right could qualify as a flash in the pan subject to being extinguished under the pressure of government needs which inevitably always end up returning everything ideological under a condition of feasibility and likelihood.
If therefore the two similar allied countries of the National Georgia have opposed the migration pact proposed by the European Commission, which would like to provide for greater solidarity between the member states and a common management of the external borders, however, that veto of Budapest and Warsaw, although was unable to prevent the approval, even if only formally, of the Pact, in fact it proves in its right to block the expectations of our Prime Minister, who returned to Italy, after all, with a stalemate that is difficult and inconvenient to justify.
The vaunted Mattei Plan itself could end up being a red herring rather than an authentic change of pace in the management of the migratory emergency, since the mere claim to exercise vigilant attention on the countries of the southern shores of the Mediterranean, "combining the fight against traffickers with development policies”, would not only require the solidarity of all the countries involved in the migratory routes, but also their internal political solidity. Circumstance, this last one, very uncertain.
In other words: if the Italian sovereign right won the elections of 25 September and subsequently managed to form a new government led by the leading party of the coalition, i.e. the Brothers of Italy, which, like the alignments of the Polish right, it has always stood out for being a so-called Eurosceptic party, now, about ten months after that electoral appointment, the Brothers of Italy, or rather its leader, seems to have "shed its skin". This is the only real novelty that could soon contribute to changing the structures at national and European level in the narrow terms of the alliances that will come to materialize, without changing anything, with good likelihood, at the level of the current political planning of concrete interventions. Change everything, as always, so that everything always remains as it is? Time will tell.
Josephine Di Salvatore
(Lawyer – Nuoro)
