It was only a question of understanding, and undertaking, the path of the "perverse" logic of "linear thinking" which, precisely because of its being such, could appear almost banal, obvious, even not very compelling but for that very reason infallible. And in fact, as he wanted to prove, albeit as a consequence of a whole week spent under the banner of the grueling "boutade" of an indecorous and irresponsible policy, Sergio Mattarella was.
The problem is only that of having arrived at the only useful and practicable solution after interminable seven days of agony, during which the "show" of politics wanted to stage, probably in spite of itself, the degradation that was taking place in the within the individual coalitions which, indeed, immediately appeared more interested in waging their own internal wars rather than trying to enter into negotiations finalistically oriented towards the election of the President of the Republic. Let's be clear: I think there was no doubt that it would have gone this way, since the issues on the table were and are such and so many that they do not allow any doubts whatsoever to be left on the undulations of the decision-making path followed by the parties concerned.
Meanwhile, because the constitutional reform that provides for a reduction in the number of parliamentarians, by virtue of the consent given by the majority of voters, has also reverberated its effects on the electoral law in force, the so-called "Rosatellum", immediately requiring the redefinition of the constituencies multi-member and single-member companies provided for by this system in order to adapt them to the new numbers.
Therefore, although the redefinition has taken place taking into account the coherence of the territorial basin of reference, the economic-social homogeneity, the historical-cultural characteristics and the territorial contiguity of the areas concerned, it cannot but involve a drastic, and not always appropriate , reduction of guarantees in the restricted terms of pure and simple representativeness.
Finally, because, in the absence of further corrections and / or new solutions adopted in coherence with the constitutional cornerstones, the reform of the electoral law could involve the prior abandonment of the majority component of the "Rosatellum", to prefer a so-called "pure proportional" system of German inspiration (the "Germanicum" to put it briefly) useful to favor the elimination of single-member constituencies to allow parties to present themselves to the next policies always and in any case in a "coalition".
Well. Without prejudice to the objections inherent to the governability profiles following the electoral competition which, probably, if on the one hand they would prevent individual parties from reaching an absolute majority, on the other hand they would induce them to seek the formation of further post-electoral coalitions for the formation of the government, what further configuration should the new electoral law assume if those same coalitions, at least as traditionally understood, have miserably imploded on the wave of their own internal conflicts? Does the bi-polar system still exist? Is it correct to discuss these aspects in the contingent situation which, due to the countless economic and health problems, requires the most prompt priority?
Unfortunately, the questions are all of necessary definition because, inevitably, the prompt resolution of the Italians' problems requires a stable executive political class, and above all responsible and competent. By now, if it is true that there are no longer "stable" and "ideologized" voters, in the same way it is equally true that the political action carried out in a "coalition" has proved to be seriously deficient due to the fragmentation and internal component heterogeneity that it prevented an appreciable bipolar systemic equilibrium from being found. The right-left axis is no longer able to express popular sentiment which, considering also the developments of the recent "electoral rounds" that have seen the "Party of Abstentionists" prevail, appears to be more conditioned by the centripetal and centrifugal force of relations between " center "and" periphery "which, in turn, presupposes and imposes the affirmation of the muscular conflict between individual camps with every consequence on the level of chronic government instability.
The current "bipolarity", to put it differently and more simply, is much more fragile than that of its origins, and has reached such a condition of functional and programmatic evanescence that it raises more than a perplexity about the appropriateness of its persistence. But the fact that, under the given conditions, it is not possible to find a credible alternative to this merciless state of affairs, certainly does not mean that the conditions for the formalization of a system parallel to the party system and based on the criteria of a pure and simple competent and rational administration conducted with prudence and caution in favor of the people and not instead in favor of the great international potentates. In a country without a credible "right" and without a strongly democratic "left", it is necessary to start a profound and conscious process of re-foundation that involves not only those who were once called "social movements", but also and above all the "masses" , orphaned of their own representatives seriously committed to the pursuit of the best common interest to be driven only (but perhaps it is only a candid utopia) by mutualist and solidarity impulses to be placed at the foundation of an alternative possible vision of the present and future society. In this regard, the parties, or at least some, should stop trying to shake off their responsibilities by pointing the finger at the absence of a system that provides for the direct election of the Head of State.
This is certainly not the time to raise further criticisms on the current form of government based on parliamentary trust. And this is certainly not the time to think about a reform with a complex and strongly authoritarian character, resulting in a useless and harmful strengthening of presidential powers and those already considered "strong" which would end up compromising the democratic life of the entire nation. Now is the time to think solely of the common interest of a people drastically tried and subjugated by the economic crisis, by the lack of work and liquidity useful not only to "make ends meet" but also to meet the various economic commitments that daily life imposes. We are a country on its knees, and the sooner action is taken, the better for everyone. If the Policy continues to prove unsuitable for the purpose by placing itself on a level of decisional irrelevance, then all that remains is to definitively deprive it of its prerogatives, because at this moment we need everything except programmatic inconclusiveness. It is time for the representatives of the People, all the representatives of the People, to take note, because the situation has reached a level that does not allow defections. Luckily, after all, Sergio Mattarella is still there.
Giuseppina Di Salvatore
(Lawyer - Nuoro)
