There was no doubt that sooner or later the mediocre debate of a respectable and right-thinking mold on the issue of the dissolution or otherwise of Forza Nuova would focus on the less significant and pragmatic aspect of the whole affair and then translate into such a contrast " trivial-conventional "as well as" ideal-chic "between for and against.
History, moreover, always repeats itself identical to itself, and always equally identical reveals the collective inability to fully thematize, in the specific case of the contingent context, the question relating to the more than casual (to use a euphemism) reconversion of the masses from the variously liberal and statist faiths to the even self-styled neo-fascist as the result of an unprecedented post-pandemic identity and social crisis which has now reached its maximum level of maturity in the wake of the technocratic decision-making of Mario Draghi and his " Government of the Best ". And since the small narrative directly perceivable by the average Italian (for general but not proven basic conviction) would seem to impose interpretative solutions that are also paradoxical but still suitable to offer a convenient justification to the events, then also the less probable conceptual digressions, such as those of the permanence and immanence in time and space of differently and modernly “fascist” ideology, are credited, in the context of common feeling, to become the only conceptions endowed with practical plausibility.
But be careful: if you want to nourish the unhealthy illusion, however captivating, of being able to trace the "Facts of Rome" back to an alleged "Fascist rebirth" only for the inability to see further than the palm of one's hand, then it is clear that talking in terms of the dissolution of "Forza Nuova" can constitute the nectar and essence of the panacea for all ills. It is a pity, however, that that same theme, even with all its fascinating sex appeal, does not allow us to resolve the question, certainly more stringent on the contingent level, but in any case much more cumbersome and complex on the intellectual level, of the "transition" human and psychological from the period properly called "pre-pandemic" to the immediately "post-pandemic", if we already find ourselves living it (but I'm not at all sure), in the absence of any complete analysis of the proverbial "middle period", that is to say the "pandemic" properly so-called.
Imagining being able to manage (because this is basically what it is) the process of recomposing the "lost" identities, rectius of the "rebel masses", starting from the confirmation of a "great ideological refusal", the "neo-fascist" one, represents just a pious illusion. With all due respect, this time, the Democratic Party, Italia Viva (still miraculously present), and the Italian Socialist Party. Let's be clear, however, and free the field from dangerous uncertainties: Forza Nuova, due to its violent connotation, and its connotation as a "political organization inspired by fascism", fits perfectly into the punitive conceptual bed of the so-called "Scelba Law" (which precisely punishes any action aimed at the reorganization of the fascist party for the pursuit of undemocratic purposes by employing violence as a method of political struggle) being able, consequently, to be dissolved.
The problem probably arises when it is a question of transcending the juridical datum to bring the question back to the more markedly political-governmental one which cannot, however, disregard the first, arbitrarily placing itself in a dimension of dichotomous autonomy justified and strengthened by the power of issue. of an ad hoc Decree which, on the level of common perception, would be not only instrumental, but also devoid of a preceptive "vis". Political discretion must always set itself a limit if it does not want to turn into arbitrariness: but this is probably another story, and it fails to act as an interpretative key of the "revolutionary and insurrectionalist guerrilla" that has literally overwhelmed what should have been a quiet Roman weekend. Instead, we had to witness, in spite of ourselves, a sort of daring "Storming of the Bastille" (embodied in this case by the national headquarters of the CGIL) in a post-modern key, this time pursued in the name of a libertarian / liberticidal ideal which is evidently different and contrary to the original liberal and democratic one, to be an expression of indeterminate, as well as indeterminable, hungry instincts.
But what hunger (and the core of the whole question lies in the answer to this question) animated the violent action of these mobsters? That simply induced by a self-styled fascist ideal certainly cannot represent a sufficient value orientation to explain those "facts" except in the strict context of the conceptual ravings attributable to the dissertations of refined radical chic salons. Nor can it be valid, in the context of a society (in any case pathological due to its continuous and incessant generation of governments that do not respect the results of the elections, mortifying the political choice of the Sovereign People) that claims to be defined as evolved, to justify such a violent action. social impact. We cannot fail to consider that, beyond the undisputed blame against the moral and material authors of the social disaster of recent days, precisely that announced "disaster" represents the pragmatic reflection of the crisis of democracy and its ways of exercising power. : the prevailing "technocratism", in essence, has paralyzed, with conscious and embarrassing adhesion of the country's ruling class (from which it would have been legitimate, perhaps, to expect a decisive rebellion), general political action as a whole, and with it would seem that the parties themselves have become humble servants of an undefined absolute power.
As proof of the fact that when an attempt is made to go beyond the limits of natural democratic organization and the dynamics directly connected to it, both on the social level and on the more purely political one, then the outcome can only be dramatically devastating.
The eventual dissolution of Forza Nuova, therefore, although significant in terms of the stigmatization of an undisputed value aspect, the anti-fascist one, would have the flavor of an impromptu and not very original act, if not at all decisive. And any direct initiative in this sense by the Minister of the Interior, in the absence of a ruling by the Criminal Judiciary, even though it is abstractly legitimate on the Constitutional level, would be inappropriate as it would be an additional expression of a neo-absolutist power that it would have the “boumerang” effect of making the illegitimate reasons of those damned troublemakers appear legitimate as well. Let us meditate: because probably the responsibility for what happened does not lie solely with those who ictu oculi appear, and have been, "ugly, violent and bad". In all this commotion, where was the state? And above all, where is it?
Giuseppina Di Salvatore
(Lawyer - Nuoro)
